M'hammed Sabour
University of Joensuu
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But the attachment to a socio-cultural lifespace, with its system of values depends for a large deal upon the position the individual has in it. Moreover, this attachment is in a close correlation with his/her basic needs: material, psychological, social, spiritual, on the one hand, and with his/her vocational and intellectual aspirations, on the other. From this perspective, it is interesting to know why an individual migrates to another society or socio-cultural milieu from his/her native life-space, where he/she has already constituted a certain form of vital equilibrium? Why a highly-educated expatriate is reluctant to reintegrate his/her native country after a stay of study or work in a foreign country? But before formulating the answers let us describe briefly the process of emigration of highly-skilled [1] persons.
The foundation later of academic and scientific institutions in Europe and in North America has been an important factor in the movement of highly skilled people from different areas in the world (Glaser 1978). Though the characteristics and the content of this movement have changed relatively, it still exists on a large scale, and it has taken a new proportion lately. In fact, the universalisation of knowledge (formal education), the breakdown of ideological and linguistic barriers has allowed people to migrate beyond national boundaries (Grubel & Scott 1977, Broaded 1993, Fassman 1993). So, the movement of highly skilled people has become a sort of routine in intellectual and scientific international cooperation and interaction. However this is evaluated critically by those who consider themselves as `losers' in the process. That is to say, the countries whose highly skilled people move to other areas consider it rightly as detrimental to their national interest and development. In fact, this was a controversial topic in the debate about the `brain drain' in the 60s and the 70s (Oteiza 1965; Inhaber 1975; Glaser 1978).
Because of the tremendous change that has happened during the 60s on the level of international politics following the birth of new nations and states and in international relations have provoked the movement of people and students all over the world. The question of migration of highly-skilled was in the centre of many research-projects of international organizations. In the 70s, for various national and international reasons, and to some extent, due to the decrease in the influence of the "human capital"- school, which was economically oriented, the attention to migration of highly-skilled has relatively lost its momentum. In addition, the national labour market in developing countries, has become `saturated' and cannot absorb the rising skilled work force. The unemployment of university graduated became a part of the social reality and what was pejoratively labelled `diploma disease' was systematized in higher education in developing societies (Dore 1978). The international movement of highly educated people from region to another became a common process and all parties (developing and developed countries) seemed to find their account in a way or another. For some developing countries, this emigration released the tension of the academic unemployment in their societies (e.g., India, Pakistan, Egypt). During the last decade there has been a tendency to speak more about the `internationalisation of knowledge' and the `circulation of ideas and carriers of ideas' (Bourdieu 1991; Sabour 1993a, 1993b).
The mid-eighties saw the beginning of a new era in international politics with the establishment of the glasnost and perestroika in the former U.S.S.R. Consequently, the orientation toward the market economy has had negative implications on, among others, the highly-skilled people in Eastern Europe. This situation has provoked a large outflow (exodus) of people with high skill and expertise. Most of them migrated to France, Germany, England, the United States, Canada, Israel and Australia, to mention only a few.
This movement (or brain drain) from one region to another represents a displacement (an intellectual and scientific `desertification') of valuable know-how capital whose consequences and after-effects are still to be evaluated on the cultural and technical development of East-European countries (Rédei 1993; Grecic 1993). The economic and political changes in Eastern Europe have revived the interest in the phenomenon of migration of the highly-skilled. But, this interest is still often anchored in the framework of the economic and political dimensions. That is, the emphasis is put upon the human capital dimension and macro-level perspective. The personal, psychological, social and cultural driving forces behind this migration have remained marginal in many studies or totally unexplored.
I depart from the assumption that every highly-skilled person has personal interest and aspiration, and has intellectual and scientific ambition. His/her attachment to his/her native countries is determined, besides economic factors, by the recognition and status given to his/her knowledge and skill. Therefore, the highly-skilled are consciously or unconsciously striving for secure position and status in the society that endorses the fulfillment of his/her expectations.
To reformulate the question in other way, why is a highly-skilled North-African ready to live as a foreigner expatriated from his/her cultural and social milieu to get recognition for his/her knowledge? Are the highly-skilled a mercenary person who runs after honour, fame and material gain or is he/she searching for a context that enhances the value of his/her skill and provides him/her with a decent and respectable existence?
I came to Scandinavia because there are fewer foreigners and the system is more humane than in Central or Southern Europe. In addition, this country has no colonialist past. There is less stress in human relations ... (Economist). It is my marriage with a Scandinavian that brought me here. At the beginning it was planned to be just a short stay of acquaintances but it lasted 15 years. Now, I cannot image living somewhere else. It is not paradise but it is a nice and secure place to live and to raise children. (Translator) Some of my relatives have been living here in Denmark for two decades. This was one of the reasons that brought me here ... (Medical doctor)Because of the high standard of living, the high level of learning required in the society, those educated North-Africans integrated in the labour market are among the most competent and highly skilled. For various reasons: linguistic, administrative, speciality, many of these educated are engaged in works and occupations that do not correspond to their training. But, because of a lack of better alternatives or personal reasons many prefer to be underemployed or malemployed than to return to the native country. The aim of this study is at analysing the factors that motivate the highly educated to expatriate, to migrate from a third country to, or to stay in Nordic countries after finishing their academic studies? I will tackle mainly the question of socio-psychological and cultural dimensions that influence the highly skilled to migrate or dissuade them from returning to their native countries. To achieve that, twelve highly educated individuals from North Africa were interviewed. To evaluate how the other educated share their opinions, experiences and aspirations, some answers and statements expressed in that interview were structured in a questionnaire (in French) and then was sent to 91 educated North Africans (Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia) residing in the four Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden). The names and addresses were provided by various professional associations, expatriates organisations. 59 questionnaires were returned. 3 of them were disregarded because there were filled improperly. 41 of the subjects have double citizenship. The respondents are aged between 26 and 53 and their mean age is 37,3. 49 of them males and 7 females. In collecting the material and mailing the questionnaire I have followed a snowball method, because of the insurmountable difficulties of reaching the educated North Africans and persuading them to participate in this study. Therefore, the group targeted here is not randomly selected or representative of the whole highly skilled population. They represent a variety of scientific, academic and professional fields. Their educational level is between BA and Ph.D.
As I was active in politics and trade-union's movement I was jailed many times. When my life was threatened I decided to leave ... I am suffering from this obliged exile but I have no other choice ... (Journalist) Already in the frontiers, when I was returning to the country, my books and my personal family videotapes were confiscated. Later, when I went to the custom office to take back my belongings, I was interrogated by the police like a criminal about my activity abroad ... That was too much for me. I left the country few months after that ... (Anthropologist)Among this group there two respondents who have emigrate or went `in exile' as they like to express it. Because of several arrests one of them insists on the fact that, as a writer-journalist, he has for ten years been cut off from a direct contact with his culture which represents for him a source of inspiration and creativity and now he is living only off second hand information and personal memories. He expresses it in a literary way:
I feel creatively and culturally uprooted. I miss the breeze of the Atlantic Ocean, the colour of the Sous Valley, the smiling faces of the youth, the smell of the souk and the prayer call of the muezen ... Here, materially and socially I live in a relative security but spiritually and psychologically I endure a tourmenting emptiness ... (Writer-Journalist)This expatriation mixed with the bitterness of exile is not always alleviated by the material comfort provided by the host country. As far as autonomy and liberty are concerned, there is another group. Those respondents who have spent an important length of life in the so-called democratic societies (e.g., the Nordic countries) where they enjoy all kinds of rights hesitate to reintegrate into the native country. This could be due to the negative political habitus assimilated during his/her previous socialisation where democracy does not exist or has difficulty in being imposed. Often this habitus is expressed in terms of suspicion and mistrust in the prevailing paradigm. In other words, having acquired higher education, being initiated to a social milieu which respects the values of knowledge and democracy, it became difficult for him/her to accommodate himself or herself in a situation where these values are weak or inexistent:
I am a democrat, for me democracy is the basis for everything ... I cannot imagine myself living under dictatorship regimes ... how can I explain it to my kids (who were born in Europe) if I have to live in that situation. It is, maybe, better to stay away and keep a relatively positive impression of my native country in their minds ... (Medical doctor).
Whatever advantages I get here I will remain a foreigner for ever. So, I have to go back as soon as I can, in spite of all difficulties ... (Physicist) I will feel homeless if I stay abroad permanently. I have to go back; my roots are there. Moreover, I owe to serve my country and to pay back my debts ... (Language scientist)- there are others, who following their experiences, have given up their plan of trying this return:
I went back and stayed for a year. But, I did have so much trouble with the bureaucracy in finding a suitable job in my field of expertise ... I realised at the end that I was wasting my time and my career. I returned to Sweden ... (Computer scientist). After finishing my study in Germany, I returned with my wife to Tunisia. We tried by all means to establish and start a life there but the social and professional difficulties were so unbearable that we decided to come here (Norway). Though the situation was not brilliant either, we managed to get through it ... but I still miss Tunisia in many ways ... (Dentist)Occasionally, the returner experiences an anti-scientific and anti-intellectual attitude in the academic and social fields of the native countries (Yassine 1984):
The responsibles and decision-makers about researches are more concerned about the results and their social use than about the energy and scientific effort needed in carrying them out. They are niggardly with the financing and we can notice an attitude of underestimating the values of scientific research. (University lecturer)Courted by governmental scientific institutions to return but envied and sometimes even rejected by their colleagues inside, the returners find themselves between the devil and the deep blue sea jammed in powerlessness and frustration.
I gave up the hope and intention of going back after two attempts and two failures. The cultural and moral values which prevail in my native country do not correspond to my conception of life and of the world. (Painter-Teacher)Among the most critical and rejective of the native culture (society) there are those educated in French schools. They were disappointed in their experiences during their stay in the native society and in their trial to return from abroad. In this sense, many female respondents, who, because of their marriage with a European, identify themselves with the Western culture, similarly deplore the conservatism and obscurantism of the native country.
Highly educated or not, as a woman, when you are in Algeria, you have to accept the reality that you are a second class citizen ... My dignity and pride cannot stand that ... I have, therefore, adopted mother `Europe' ... (Translator)
After my study I have explored my possibilities of integrating Tunisia. I was surprised to notice that the value of my expertise and knowledge is not enough, I need to have acquaintances and social relations for getting a post for me in the academia ... So, I decided to stay here where I am evaluated according to other norms ... (Anthropologist) Once back I was nominated on purpose in a health centre in a village near the Sahara. Other doctors who returned with me got posts in hospitals in big cities; They came from influential families. In this small place, in the middle of nowhere, there were no necessary drugs and adequate equipment for practicing my profession. In addition, it took six months before I got my first salary from the Ministry. The work conditions were inhumane ... So, I profit from the first occasion to leave the country ... (Medical doctor)In fact, most of the respondents, which are for one reason or another unwilling to repatriate, are from lower class origin (58 per cent), especially the educated in the field of lower prestige in the native country (humanities, economics, social sciences, etc.).
In my field of speciality there is an overproduction of graduated. After my study, I was convinced that it is of no use to go back. Therefore, I decided to find a job and stay here. I am not satisfied with what I am doing but it is better than going back to live in uncertain situations ... (Economist)In a society where a status, a job and a career advancements depend on the social endorsement and relations (family, friendship, clan, acquaintances, etc.) the highly educated returner who is deprived from this potentiality is relinquished to his/her fate. Therefore, indifferent bureaucracy, nomination in remote place and less prestigious posts with limited possibilities of promotion.
The formal education has been an important factor in social mobility in developing North African countries Salmi 1985). Among the youg generation of the highly educated there is a large number from lower classes (proletariat, peasantry). Two decades ago it was common that those who occupy important and influential positions in scientific, professional and academic institutions and modern industries and commerce sectors are from upper classes (Sabour 1994). This fact, has consciously or unconsciously created a closed `circle' and field whose members and agents have their own symbols, distinction, power and lifestyle that beyond the reach of the other groups. The `newcomers' of science, intellect and high culture (higher education) feel themselves `outsiders' in this field.
There is certainly work for me in the native country but there exist so many obstacles to get an appointment in the right and suitable place (state administration, academia). If I want to start a private business, I need an important capital, a thing that I do not have ... (Computer scientist)Among the other factors that seem to influence significantly the migration of the highly skilled is the familial situation. In this study it has two dimensions. Most of the respondents (73,7 per cent) have European spouses. In this regard, the link with the host country takes another significance. The migrant is not only concerned by his/her personal situation, career and future but also by that of his/her spouse:
We have decided with my wife (Scandinavian) to live in a place where every one of us can have relatively a suitable position. My wife has no chance of getting a job or living in a country torn up by violence and fundamentalism. (University lecturer)Sometimes, the host country takes compensatively the place of the native country. This is reinforced by the fact that 79,2 per cent have the host country's citizenship.
When we visited the native country we returned often frustrated and disappointed. We had, therefore, decided to spend our vacation elsewhere ... Here (Norway), we feel at home in spite of the feeling of being foreign-born ... (Painter-teacher)The other dimension in related to the migrant who has children. 91,2 per cent of the respondents are married and 75,4 per cent have from 1 child to 4 children. For many of them, their children's schooling and future are of priority when it is a question of deciding to stay in Europe or to repatriate.
I went back to the native country for visits and vacations but to stay permanently it is impossible for me: Though I love it, my children have no chance of having a good school or a future in it. The future of my children is my priority. (Anthropologist) With three children it is very difficult to go back and start everything from the beginning: the children's schooling, the adaptation to a new work and social environment. Moreover, there is a big risk of having a problem in getting a job to my wife (Medical doctor)In this perspective, the preliminary analysis shows that the youngest respondents whose children are not yet at the school age express more interest in returning home especially if the spouse is from the native country.
All I dreamed of was to go back to Algeria and invest my knowledge there, on the one hand and give an opportunity to my children to grow up according to my cultural tradition, on the other ... But, it impossible. (Computer scientist)In addition, those who have fellow countryman (or countrywoman) as a spouse seem to keep more active and permanent contact with their native country.
At a certain age (between 35 and 45) when their children have already started their school abroad the possibility of returning become for certain expatriates less probable. Often, the children do not speak neither Arabic nor French, the language of instruction in North Africa. The unfortunate experience of some returners has dissuaded them from trying the `adventure'.
I have stayed abroad for a long time (19 years), the children have grown up here ... I feel, I am unable to readapt myself to the reality in the native country, neither the children, they will have problems at school ... But, I must admit that when I confront racism and discrimination here (Sweden) I think of going back. (Civil servant).Here also the social origin has a relative impact on the migrant's decision. Those `young' (26-34 years) respondents who spring from the upper class seem more interested to return than those from the lower class. The former has the material and social means for solving the problem of schooling of their children by putting them in French or American schools (e.g., in Morocco).
Finally, when deconstructing different factors and motives that influence the emigration and non-return of the highly skilled and analysing them, we should bear in mind that they cannot be adequately understood in a separate and isolated way. That is to say, these factors and motives are causally interdependent and overlapping. When the native country underestimates and does not recognise the expatriate's skill and knowledge, the latter is therefore denied the economic security he/she is striving for. This state of affairs creates existential uncertainty that may give birth to psychological attitudes of anxiety and even frustration. The expatriate who has made many sacrifices and worked hard by getting knowledge and skill capital, expects some sort of recognition. This recognition could be crystallised in securing him/her a relatively decent status and looking at him/her as an individual with personal aspiration and interest. And he/she is tied to a familial and social setting. Moreover, he or she is a member of an intellectual, scientific and professional community, which means that he/she cannot be submitted to any restrictions of movement due to nationalism (national interest), difference of opinion or culture.
Moreover, a highly-skilled North African, who has expertise and knowledge, seems inclined towards fields where he/she can invest them efficiently and get a higher profit from that investment in terms of recognition, respectability and reward. In others words, like every carrier of high skill he is searching for a context where he can practise, produce, invest his/her knowledge with an existentially relative autonomy and consideration.
The results show that in their aspiration, perception and experiences, the expatriates from Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria have no significant differences. Except that for the latter (Algerian), the uncertain and troublesome political and economic situations in their country seem to cloud dominantly their present and their future.
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© The author and Nordic Society for Middle Eastern Studies. Archived 22.2.96