The Individual, whether he wishes to or not, fits into a network of power relationships which is often very complex. This is true for each individual, whether he is holds a position of authority or is subjected to it, whether he has the means to impose his wish upon those who are dependant on him, or whether he is obliged to hedge between the different forces which try to impose themselves on him. The place which he occupies in this network is indicated by a certain number of markers which define, in a symbolic manner, both his individual identity and his position as regards authority and prestige,
The aim of our workshop will be to study the signs which the individual can use, in the Mediterranean Muslim societies, to affirm himself as a person. We will also look at the ways in which he can position himself in the social hierarchy and claim his part of the power, or conversely, signal his dependence and his humility.
It will be necessary to take into account, in this study, the changes in identity which an individual may undergo throughout his existence. Throughout the course of his life each human being is constantly changing, as are the markers which define him as a person and indicate his position in power relationships. An adolescent or an elderly person only rarely occupies the same position, as regards authority, as a middle-aged man. On the other hand, even in relatively compartmentalised societies like those in which we are interested, it is often the case that the individual moves across the social fabric, either by changing status (for example, a slave becoming a free man), by climbing, one by one, the rungs of the career ladder, or by finding himself faced with failure and downfall.
It will also be necessary to take into account the number of identities which one individual can have. A keeper of public order can also be, on his own time, a thief. A renegade may have strong links with his original religion. A man of honour, who does nothing but good in his town, may be seen as a vulgar crook by his superiors.
There is reason to believe that individuals with numerous identities are subject, more so than other people, to conflicts of interests. The brigand/keeper of public order will sometimes find it hard to chose between his interests as a brigand and those linked to his official function. The renegade will feel allegiance both to his former co-believers and his new community. One of the aims of our collective work could be to reveal these conflicts and to see how they are expressed in terms of the position of the individual in power relationships. This study should lead to an interest in the problem of multiple positions (one person can occupy, for example, a high position in the hierarchy of governmen agents and also distinguish himself by his subversive activities), as well as in the role played by certain individuals who have to arbitrate between different spheres.
In order to affirm his identity, the individual generally uses a coded language of which he is only partially the inventor. The markers of individual identity maintain a close link between collective mentalities and cultural phenomena. This is the way in which, for example, an individual in a tribal society in the Muslim Mediterranean region will define himself, more willingly, in reference to his lineage, compared to an individual in an urban society who will have left his tribal roots behind. The individual identity also depends a lot upon the way in which it is perceived by others. Just as human groups are defined in relation to, and often in contrast to, the different groups with which they mix, so too must the individual, in order to exist, be manifested in the men and women who surround him. Finally, the 'imposed' identity has to be taken into consideration. This 'imposed' identity is that which, for example, is close to the identity model proposed by the central political power, or that which develops in the wake of conversion to a dominant religion, or even the identity which the individual is forced to adopt if he wishes to escape from the harassment to which he may be exposed if it is noticed that he is different.
One of the aims of our study should be to outline these 'identity models' imposed by society or by people in power, and to see to what extent the individual appropriates them or submits to them. Naturally we will also have to take an interest in the phenomena of rejection, whether it concerns openly contesting the proposed model, keeping, along with a public identity, a secret identity to which only a limited number of people have access, or even taking on alternately different identities, depending on the circumstances.
In order to understand an individual's identity, to situate him in his social environment and to determine his position as regards the networks of power which cross society, we can examine a series of markers. In the framework of our study, we will show a particular interest in the following elements:
1) Surname. Each person is identified, at first, by his surname. This surname has, almost always, in itself a meaning. It may exalt the piety of the person, or even his strength, his moral courage, his wealth, his bravery etc. The name has a patronymic name and a list of genealogical references, and is also used to relate the individual to his family, and if the case arises, to his tribe. The surname, which is completed by one or two first names, enables one to identify the individual more precisely and to underline one or several characteristics of his personality. The name given to an individual, or even the name which he gives himself, is often enough to position him on the power ladder. The emancipated slave, destined to be called Abdallah (the servant of God), appears, simply from his name, less well placed than Chemsüddin (sun of the religion).
2) Genealogy. This places the individual in relation to his real or imagined roots. We will be more interested in genealogies where one can presume that they incorporate a number of whimsical elements, to an extent where they enable us to understand lines of descent and the values linked to the exercise of power, or more modestly, to social prestige. In the case of real genealogies, it would be enough, without doubt, to analyse the links which are considered as being the most significant. These are not always the oldest or the most direct links.
3) Titles. These can be extremely elaborate - especially when dealing with a sovereign or someone who holds local political power - as they can he reduced to one word such as el-hacc, efendi, etc. In all cases, however, the titles are very important indications of which place is occupied or claimed by the individuals in the power network. They also indicate sources of authority and prestige, whether this means referring to spiritual values (el-hacc ...), intellectual values (efendi ... ), or, in another order of ideas, military power, political domination, wealth, etc. Contrarily they can also point to the humility of the subject to power, this humility being real, but also often a pretence.
4) The symbols of Power (or of humility). In order to indicate their position as regards authority individuals have a series of symbolic tools: signatures, monograms, seals, pennants, standards, plumes, armoury, headgear, etc. From the reign of Mahmud II (1808-1839) there was also, in the Ottoman Empire, a proliferation of all types of medals and decorations. Humility has, in the same way, its own distinctive signs - homespun garments, clothes of certain colours etc. One of the questions which arises in relation to these symbols concerns finding out how they were used to mobilise people, to indicate belonging, to change or manipulate mentalities, or to indicate social, ethnic and religious divisions. One could be interested in them, more simply, for what they say about the symbols of power (or the absence of power). Finally, they will have to be studied as markers of the place occupied by individuals in society and on the power ladder.
5) Marking out territory. In order to affirm his identity and to occupy, with dignity, the place which he believes is rightfully his in the power network, the individual also endeavours, in so much as is possible, to mark his territory. This may simply mean building a nice house for his family, or building palaces, religious buildings, fountains, hospitals, gardens, etc. The buildings constructed in this manner generally carry a message. Donating a mosque to the community does not have the same meaning as giving the community access to a clock tower. They also give an image which the initiator of the work wants to give of himself. One of the aims of our study could be to interpret this territory - domestic territory as well as public territory - in the light of our central investigation which is the individual and his relationship with society and power. In another order of ideas an interest could be shown in another marker of individual identity - the place of residence. An individual's address is often very significant. It enables one to situate him in his network of dependencies and also on the power scale.
6) Material environment. Individuals, depending on whether they are rich or poor, powerful or weak, stand out due to their lifestyle and their consumption of different material goods. One of the most meaningful ways an individual has of placing himself in society, of claiming his place, or, frequently, letting his wish to climb the social ladder be known, is his lifestyle. It would, without doubt, be useful in the framework of this collective work, to show a particular interest in individuals living 'above their means', thereby displaying their hopes and, in parallel, their limitations. Our study could also deal with 'unusual' behaviour, which often reveals complex identities.
7) The Individual and the hereafter. Recent works have shown to what point, in the Islamic World at least, funerals are used to evoke the deceased whose memory one is trying to preserve. Certain studies have also been carried out on the lay-out of cemeteries, underlining the relations between the location of graves and the hierarchical structuring of the society of the living. Restarting this research, in the framework of our work, would certainly be possible, even if the idea of examining the language of graves is somewhat macabre. It must however be noted that a cemetery, and the lay-out of stones, proposes a fixed vision of the world, while our research is based, in reality, on situations which are constantly changing.
8) Memory. Finally it is necessary to underline that the individual identity is, for a good part, made up of everything that the human being has gathered in his memory throughout his existence. Memory, we know, is eminently selective. In order to try to bring the elements which the individual keeps from his past and those of his ancestors to the fore would imply trying to see how the individual identity takes root and how each person is put together. Is a person put together due to what he has experienced or due to what he has learnt? Individual memory, like collective memory - from which it borrows a lot and of which it is a component - is fragile and vulnerable. It can be manipulated, adjusted, reduced. In certain cases the individual can be forced to forget certain past events. In other cases he can recollect events which have never taken place. In the context of our study, it would appear to be particularly interesting to take memory into account - both the individual and collective memory - as a means of making assertions about power. Another area of our research could deal with examining the relationship which could exist between the positioning of the individual in society and their vision of the past. Finally we should show an interest in the language of memory as this could teach us something the aspirations, fears and of the deep impulses of the societies and the individuals to which our workshop is devoted.
Responsible for this Web page is Knut S. Vikør. Last updated 24.1.97