The special perspective of this thematic group is the personal religious experience (the individual psychological aspect) and its implications in the form of religious activities and movements. To this field belongs also the study of the role of the individual initiative and its functions. The field demands studies from the perspective of psychology and sociology of religion, but also that of philosophy and religion.
What room does Islam, a communal religion anxious to manage all aspects of man's social life, leave for the expression of individual tendencies? Are we in the presence of a closed system, impervious to personal choice and doctrinal reinterpretations, or on the contrary, does this system allow a certain amount of free examination? How does Islam fulfil its function as mediator between the individual and the sacred? Though these fundamental questions - which, in a certain way, bring us back to the classic discussion on the idea of ijtihâd - have been asked many times, they still incite ardent debate.
The relation between religion and philosophy is linked to these questions: to what extent does the philosophical ijtihâd, and the ta'wîl connected to it, allow philosophers to approach the divine? What is the attitude of philosophers towards revealed religion. In the beginnings, and in the "classical" period, the various possible answers generally seem to centre on the idea of elitist religion, the distinction between khawâss and 'awâmm (e.g. the Ikhwân al-Safâ'). In modern times, Islamic philosophy became one of the ways to revive religious tradition for the sake of societies. The role of philosophy in the contemporary world is multiform again. The spread of scientific knowledge urged the ancient hukamâ' (mostly Shi'ite) to legitimise science by incorporating it inside the religious world view. Due to the continuous scientific development, this question is again playing a capital role, and involved new ethical questions. The so-called Islamicist movements (usûliyya) also participate in this debate and influence the interpretation of religion and its relation to science and to its function in society; and they question the independence of philosophy.
The relation between individual experience and the life of groups can be seen in mysticism and in the sûfî movements. The individual experience, as well as the belonging to a group, is felt as being privileged, being a part of the religiously privileged few. We can study the processes of transmission of religious knowledge and experience, especially in the form of spiritual relationship between master and pupil, between shaykh and murîd. This transmission has often the form of sharing in rituals. Rituals and their functions can be studied from both sociological and psychological perspectives, as well as from the historical perspective. The concepts of baraka and tahâra can be included in these processes of transmission of religious experience.
Of value is the use of the Weberian concept of the charismatic personality and the institutionalisation of leadership in movements: the charisma's function as an intellectual and moral legitimisation for political authority leading to religio-political movements or groups (e.g. sûfî orders). Connected with our concept of charismatic leadership is the study of prophetism, the idea of Divine Guidance and of mediatorship (the qutb, shaykh, dâ'î). Here we have also the phenomenon of revivalist movements, and the relations in them between the individual and group and society, from the 18th century onwards.
The phenomenon of conversion can be studied both from the individual and collective perspective. It can be studied as well from the point of view of the individual and the group into which the convert is admitted, as from the point of view of the group that he is abandoning (conversion versus resistance; the concept of minorities). Another aspect of conversion is that of syncretism (e.g. in the form of the cult of saints, and mysticism legitimising an inclusive world view, wahdat al-wujûd).
The phenomenon of millenarism can be studied under a comparative aspect: messianism in the form of mahdism, and the idea of the mujaddid. The same is true for apocalyptism in general, and the question of doctrinal development due to apocalyptic expectations and their failure, which can be studied both in a historical (early Islam, the mission of Muhammad) and in a contemporary context.
The study of Messianic and heterodox lines of thought, numerous in Islamic lands, should allow us to define the most radical forms of religious contention, which are generally fed by surges of syncretism. Must we consider these lines of thought as forms of religious liberation? What latitude do they give to the individual and to personal demonstrations of religiosity? Only a thorough examination of dogmas, and collective or individual behaviour and practices will shed some light on these questions. Bektâshism, widespread throughout the Balkans. Anatolia, and Arab lands of the Eastern Mediterranean, represents an especially conspicuous case of heterodoxy, and rightly deserves a specific study,
The same questions apply to the sûfî movements, and to the various religious orders and brotherhoods which they engendered. By definition, "Sufism" can be described as a spiritual search which involves only the individual. But what can one think of the swift process of "institutionalisation" which most Muslim religious orders have known? Have not the state and society been eager to quash yearnings for a personal religion each time they have been able to? Orthodoxy's recuperation of the sûfî movements is another phenomenon which deserves consideration.
Perhaps practices of piety, particularly the worship of saints, best express the individual's personal choices and the nature of his dialogue with the sacred. The repertory of these practices is broad in all corners of the Muslim world: stone worship, magic, the casting of spells, rites of passage, various beliefs with great suspicion by the 'ulamâ'. The borrowings from other monotheistic religions are numerous. Should we not see in this popular Islam, unheeding of scholiasts' scoldings a standing challenge to this scholarly Islam and to the state's religious structures? Are we not in the presence of a creeping subversion, the last bulwark against religion's encircling of society? Obviously, the examination of individual pious practices raises many questions.
One may contrast individual practices with practices whose frame of reference is the place of communal worship, and which thus immediately claim social and religious orthodoxy. Numerous studies have been done on the architectural history of mosques in the Mediterranean Muslim world. We are also very much aware of the role that these buildings could have played in the structuring of the city (Lapidus, 1969; Hourani and Stern, 1970; Sarageldin, 1982; Raymond, 1985; Grabar, 1989). Nevertheless, less is known about the concrete functioning of these buildings and their annexes in the heart of the neighbourhood. In the same way, there is still a lot to learn about the role they play as a place of fellowship and socialisation. Mosques and other religious places (madrasas, schools of brotherhood, mausoleums, etc.) are symbolic places devoted above all to the glorifying of the Muslim community. Is this to say that the individual is absent? A study of forms of social communication proper to these locations, as well as of cultural practices, and in another line of thought, of architectural and decorative canons, should allow us to bring light to an entire series of phenomena closely linked to the evolution of the mentalities and structures of society.
Finally, we cannot forget the vast chapter of Islamic reformism. Reforms, whatever they may be, reveal aspirations which deserve some attention. However, it is not certain that they should always be perceived as phenomena leading in the direction of greater individuation. On the contrary, one might think that the password of reformists of every era - the restoration of the Golden Age - covers a desire to restructure society and the State, leaving little room for individuals.
For the meeting in Granada, all the participants had been asked to present their comments on the text of the atelier and develop, the aspects or points they would like to work upon during their participation to the project.
After discussing at length the personal presentations, it was decided that all the questions which had been alluded to could converge on three axes which united or were of immediate interest for all the participants:
- Compatibility and tension between different levels of religiosity
- Individual religiosity and group belonging (conversion and transition)
- Political language and action and religion
Responsible for this Web page is Knut S. Vikør. Last updated 24.1.97