Erlend H. Hvoslef
University of Oslo
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"Clanship and familism (the family principle, the idea of the priority of family ties over other social links), so much criticized when discovered in the ruling spheres, still takes place at absolutely all levels, being perhaps the most alien, unintelligible and frightening factor for the russian-speaking urban population" (I. Kostyukova in Central Asian Survay 1994 (3) : 431).
The former Soviet republic of Kirgizia is situated in the heart of Central Asia, bordering Kazakhstan, China, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. Most of the population are Muslims. The Kirgizians speak a Turkic language which is closely related to Kazak, Karakalpak and Kazan Tatar. Traditionally the Kirgizians were pastoral nomads. After the Russian conquest, however, they were gradually settled with seasonal migration to the pastures in the mountains.
Throughout history the nomadic Kirgizians have organized their politics according to tribal rules and traditions. The most important organizational units have been the tribe, clan and the family. Despite the Soviets' attempts to subdue the traditional forms of organization among the Kirgizians, I will argue that "tribalism", in some respects, has been an implicit form of organization also during Soviet rule.
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Kirgizians are in the process of making up a new political system. The Kirgizians try to find a cultural and political foundation which can gather the population and make them capable of handling the many difficulties which arise. Traditions and cultural traits which were forbidden under Communist rule are again becoming important. Old symbols and ritualistic behaviour, are revitalized.
The Central Asian republic of Kirgizia is a multi-ethnic state. Kirgizians make up the biggest ethnic entity in the state which bears their name. In 1989, 52 per cent of the inhabitants were Kirgizians. There were at that time 21 per cent Russians. The number of Russians is rapidly declining. Many of them move to Russia or to northern Kazakhstan. It is said that approximately 5 per cent of the Russians migrate every year. The migration of the Russians is a problem for the republic. The Russians are needed because of their high level of technological and administrative know-how, which is needed in building up the new Kirgizian state. Russians are also needed as protectors in case of foreign aggression. (Russia feels it as its duty to give military assistance to states where Russians constitute a significant part of the population). Furthermore, if there are Russians living in Kirgizia, the state may count on some economic support from Russia. The Russians, however, feel it very difficult to live in a state where political reality has changed so dramatically. During 70 years of Communist rule, Russians felt that they were a leading group in the republic. Now they have to accept that the Kirgizians are in power. It is also a fact that the political reality has turned out to be quite nationalist. However, the migration of the Russians has declined in the last year. Some of them also move back to Kirgizia, because they face big problems building a new life in Russia.
In addition to the Kirgizians and the Russians, there are (1989) 13 per cent Uzbek, 3 per cent Ukrainians and 2 per cent Germans in the republic. The Germans are free to move to Germany, and many of them do. Other important ethnic categories are Tatars, Kazaks, Dungans, Uighurs and Tajiks.
To clearly define "tribalism" is not an easy task. I will try to clear out a definition that somehow fits with the Kirgizian explanation of the term.
Firstly, "tribalism" is an organizational form based upon strong ties to a relatively corporate family and then to a clearly defined clan. A clan is, in this presentation, a patrilinear unit and the members of the clan descend from a common known ancestor. They normally count as clan members all descendants in the male line from a forefather seven generations back. The clan members are connected to a village or an area, whether the members of the clan live there or not. Before Russian conquest there were few villages in the region. The Kirgizian counterpart of a village was an ail, which was a cluster of yurts and their inhabitants. The inhabitants of an ail were normally extended families related to each other in the male line. They often migrated with their animals together.
A tribe is a congregation of many clans. The clans that make up a tribe are related to each other through common ancestors and because they feel that their roots are located in a certain region. A tribe branches off into sub-tribes and sub-sub-tribes all the way down to the level of a clan. It is possible for an individual to draw a genealogical map which clearly shows his position in the tribal structure. Throughout history knowledge of the genealogies has been compulsary for an individual. At present time many Kirgizians, ecpecially young people in the cities, do not know this. They tend to know their most important clan members and the name of their tribe. However, the knowledge of the genealogies is still important in a rural setting. Throughtout history, and still today, the land of the Kirgizians has been divided between many big tribes. When I ask Kirgizians about how many tribes there are in Kirgizia, I normally get many different answers. Some schoolars, however, claim that it is up to 80 different tribes in the country. In the northern part of the country there are only a few big tribes. The most important: "Solto", "Sajak", "Sarybagysj" and "Bygy". In southern Kirgizia there are many small tribes. Each of the tribes are classified according to a specific terminology. The inhabitants of the region I know best, are mostly members of the "Bugu"-tribe. ("Bugu" is the Kirgizian term for reindeer). [2] The region of the "Bugu"- people is more or less the same as the present "Izzyk Kulskaja Oblast'" (Oblast'= region). In this region there also live members from many other tribes, but they usually feel that their roots are in another region.
The most important organizational unit among Kirgizians is the extended family and the clan. The head of the extended family/clan is normally one of the elders (aqsaqal = white beard). In villages were many extended families/clans reside together, one of the aqsaqals normally is the head of the village. When difficult questions have to be solved, several aqsaqals discuss the questions in a village council. During Communist rule many questions were decided from above. Despite this fact, very many local questions had to be solved in the old manner. The village council was important also during Soviet rule. The president of Kirgizia, Askar Akajev, wants to encourage the old power structure on village level. He has lately proposed to give the aqsaqals in the villages salary as servants of the state.
I have tried to explain some important aspects of the tribal structure among Kirgizians.
Let me now try to make a summary of some important changes in the Kirgizian history from earlier times through the Communist era until present time.
The Russians, when coming to the area at the end of the nineteenth century, introduced private ownership of land. Partly because it was convinient and partly because of pressure from the Russian authorities, the Kirgizians began to set up permanent winter dwellings, which were privately owned and inherited by the youngest son. These dwellings could also be sold. The Kirgizians also began to store fodder for use during winter. Until this time the animals had to find their food on their own. Eventually, these changes gradually led to a settling down of the nomadic population. However, these changes did not destroy the structure of "tribalism". The Kirgizians continued to live in the lands of their forefathers and to some extent in accordance with tribal rules and traditions. The clan and the extended family continued to be the most important organizational unit. A village often came to be occupied by a cluster of clans that traditionally inhabited a certain area.
Throughout history, many powers have tried to subordinate the nomadic population. This imposed policy was successful only to a certain degree. In the first years of Russian domination, the occupants used Kirgizians in leading positions. They thought they could gain better control over the nomads by doing this. However, the new leaders had difficulties in getting respect from the Kirgizian population. Until this time a Kirgizian leader was never elected, but achieved his position due to his age, his personality and his knowledge of Kirgizian rules and traditions. "Pastoral nomads are notoriously resistant to the imposition of authority from above. Being nomads, they can move to a new territory if they feel imposed on by their chiefs" (Bacon 1968 : 37).
Some survey figures from the starting of collectivization in Kazakhstan, may illustrate the severness of the changes. In 1928 the political authorities confiscated 145,000 animals from the Kirgizians living in present Kazakhstan. The animals were given to poor and middle class farmers working as agriculturalists. "The 1928 redistribution of animals, in contrast, marked the beginning of a collectivisation program which, under the direction of enthusiastic Russian officials, was rushed through at breakneck speed, far ahead of plan and much more rapidly than in Russia itself" (Bacon 1968 : 118). The huge amount of animals forced into a much smaller area, devastated the land for pasture and, eventually, led to a severe decline in the number of animals. "... between 1929 and 1934 the number of sheep and goats decreased from 27,200,000 to 2,261,000 and of horses from 4,200,000 to 221,000" (Bacon 1968 : 119). In the 50s, during the rule of Khrushcev, the Soviet authorities realised that a bigger number of animals could be fed if the farm workers used some of the techniques from the nomadic past. This reorganization led to an increase in the number of animals.
In some way the Communists reintroduced the old Kirgizian form of rights to use the land. The population worked on and received salary from a collective farm. The families were given a house to live in, a small plot of land and some animals.
In Kirgizia many small villages often constitute one collective farm. In regions with mixed ethnical population, Russians normally reside together in one village, Kirgizians in another, Germans in a third. They work together but they usually spend their spare time with members of their own ethnical category. There are also many farms that are relatively ethnically homogenous.
The leaders of the new collective farms were appointed by the political authorities. In collective farms populated mostly by Kirgizians, the leader normally was Kirgiz. It was favourable to have a relative in a leading position. Thereby you could count on help in terms of jobs, positions and economic support. Despite this fact, there have been several attacks on leaders of collective farms during the Soviet period. This has been done by people disliking the leader's close relations to the Soviet authorities.
During Communist rule, the Kirgizians were still able to practice many of their rituals and traditions, especially in the private sphere. They could also use their own language in everyday life. Statistics show that only 19 per cent of the Kirgizian population could speak Russian in 1970. In 1989 the number had increased to 35 per cent. The important thing for the authorities was the fulfillment of the plans made by the Communist party. "Soviet leaders, primarily under the influence of Lenin, recognized early on that their only hope of reaching the nationalities with their political and social message was to present it in a "national form", especially as it applies to language" (Karklins 1986 : 103).
In the following I will try to explain how the structure of "tribalism" still is a living form of political organisation in Kirgizia.
From relatives you borrow money if needed. From their relatives in the countryside, the city-dwellers receive: potatoes, vegetables, fruit and meat if needed. Access to prestigous positions and posibilities to enter higher educational institutions are also depentant on family relations or contacts. The family is considered to be an important resource in times of difficulties. If an individual, with means, refuses to give help to relatives, he knows that they will refuse to help him in the future.
Today economical conditions in Kirgizia are extremely difficult. In the countryside wages are paid in form of consumer goods such as sugar, salt, butter or vodka. In the cities normal wages are $25 a month. If you are careful using money, this sum may be sufficient for the monthly supply of bread of one family. A family of four living in the city probably needs up to $200 a month. The rest of the money they have to get from other sources than the work. Many people receieve their means through small scale business or from relatives that are better off.
Relatives may also be seen as an obstacle for the individuals. Sometimes it is difficult meeting the expectations of your relatives. Members of the family continue asking for help and money, and you feel you cannot afford to give them anything.
Many new political parties have been formed. On the extreme right wing there is the nationalist party (Asaba). The party leader, Bazarbaev Tsjeparasjti, told me that his party fights for Kirgizian control over 90 per cent of the land, industry and commercial enterprises. They further claim that an ethnically clean society will be better than a multi-ethnic one. Kirgizia for Kirgizians. They also oppose the idea of religious freedom.
President Akajev is against this type of nationalism, and tries to fight for a more democratic policy. Kirgizia is probably the most democratic republic in Central Asia today. There is political pluralism and a free press. Akajev is eager to get on with privatisation and economic reforms. He also wants to open up the country to foreign investors. However, in leading positions there are almost only Kirgizians. In Kirgizia almost 50 per cent of the population are non-Kirgiz. Akajev has ethnic renaissance as a national ideology and he works towards the goal of making the Kirgiz language the national one by the year 2000. Russian will probably be a compulsory second language.
At the center of the political scale is the party D.M.K. (Democratic Movement of Kirgizia). Its leader, Zh. Zheksheyev, told me some of his ideas. He and his party want a political system in Kirgizia which is built on a Scandinavian social democratic model. I asked him what he meant with the "Scandinavian model". He replied that this democratic system is built upon economic freedom for the population in a state regulated society. He also meant that the Scandinavians has a very good social support system, wich make life secure for the population. One of the main obstacle in reaching this goal, he said, is "tribalism" among the Kirgizians.
Zheksheyev continues: "It is difficult to unite the Kirgizians politically, because the different political parties, and their supporters, are connected to certain regions of the country". "The Republican Peoples party", for example, is connected to the region Talas and "Asaba" to Osjskaja and Djalalabadskaja Oblast'. Kirgizians tend not to vote according to party programs, but rather according to the tribe or clan of the party leader. That means, if your relatives come from Talas you will normally vote for The Republican Peoples Party. This tendency is mainly due to the fact that an individual during history, has received help and access to scarce positions in exchange for political support. People believe that supporting a member of own tribe/clan may secure the future for an individual and his family, Zheksheyev explained. Qualifications are increasingly important, but still secondarily. Until this day the membership in the right tribe or clan has been more important.
The discussion about "tribalism" is first and foremost conducted among politicians from the two major cities, Osj (South Kirgizia) and Bishkek (Northern Kirgizia). There has always been a great difference in opinions, both culturally and politically, between Northern and Southern Kirgizians. The Kirgizians from the north accuse the southerners of acting and behaving like Uzbeks (Uzbeks have historically been the main enemies of the Kirgizians). The Southern Kirgizians on their side, accuse the northernes of behaving like Russians and taking up a dominant role in politics. Until this day the leading positions in the capital have been occupied by members of the "Sarybagysj" tribe (Northern Kirgizia).
There are few modern politicians, however, who want to continue with a political system based on "tribalism". Such a system is not especially convenient in a modern multi-ethnic democracy, they say. Here we can see a clear contradiction. On one side we have the wish among the politicians to construct a democracy built on for example "the Scandinavian model". On the other side we have present, in a significant part of the population, the idea of a tribally organized society. As I see it, this contradiction reflects the different opinions between modernists, many of them city dwellers and quite Russified, and traditionalists. The latter are mainly represented by the population in the countryside and those who have recently arrived in the capital. It is important to underline, however, that there are no strict borders between these two categories. Even among the politicians that most strongly want to build up a modern democtracy, there certainly remains aspects of behaviour and thoughts that are closely related to ideas connected to "tribalism".
One of those who are critical to "tribalism" argued that such a system was appropriate and good at the time of no state. Then it was one of the means for peaceful existence. It is, however, incompatible with full participation in a modern multi-ethnic state.
Those who are positive to an organization based on "tribalism", argue that: "Tribalism is a Kirgizian form of organization and thus suitable in a Kirgizian state." They also say that it is good to respect and have obligations to the family, your relatives and the land of the Kirgizians. This attitude will lead to a correct and strong relationship with the Kirgizian state. A support for "tribalism" thus becomes a support for the Kirgizian culture and history.
Another point which affects politics, is that during 70 years of Soviet power the population got used to a political reality over which they had no influence. Thus politicians represented another reality than commoners experienced.
I will finish this presentation with a quotation from the Russian schoolar Irina Kostyukova:
The Kirghiz nation is a small nation which has actually preserved its tribal structure as well as the sense of genealogical unity of the whole people. There is a local proverb saying that any Kirghiz at a large table will inevitably meet a relative among unknown people. Both will start checking their relations and discover that at least ten generations earlier they had a common ancestor. (I Kostyukova in Central Asian Survey 1994 (3) : 428).
Bacon, Elizabeth E., Central Asians under Russian rule (N.Y: Cornwell University Press, 1966)
Grannes, A. and Heradstveit, D., Etnisk nasjonalisme - Folkegrupper og konflikter i Kaukasus og Sentral-Asia (Oslo: Tano forlag, 1994)
Karklins, Rasma, Ethnic relations in the USSR (Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1986)
Kostyukova, Irina, Central Asian Survey 1994 (3)
Layne, Linda L., "Tribalism": National Representations of Tribal Life in Jordan (Urban Anthropology vol. 16, 1987)
2. There are no reindeers in Kirgizia. The term is probably a reminicence from the time when the Kirgizians resided in the Altai mountains (approximately 1,000 years ago).[*]
© The author and Nordic Society for Middle Eastern Studies. Archived 24.9.95